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A selection of glosssary terms from Johnson < http://www.auburn.edu/~johnspm/gloss/>
These terms are defined here: Aggregate demand / Aggregate supply / Banking / Budget / Budget deficit / Budget surplus / Business cycle / Capital / Capitalism / Checks and balances / Cost / Communism / Discount rate / Economics / Federal Reserve System / Fiscal policy / Gross Domestic Product (GDP) / Human capital / Inflation / Laissez-faire / Demand, law of / Supply, law of / Monetary policy / Libertarianism / Separation of powers
Aggregate demand
Also more accurately referred to as aggregate expenditure, this is one of the key concepts introduced by John Maynard Keynes that still today is at the heart of most macroeconomic theories about the determination of the overall level of employment (and thus the level of national income produced) in a country's economy during a given year. Although there have turned out to be a number of logical problems and ambiguities in making the analogy work, Keynes's original basic notion was that “aggregate demand” represented a sort of grand total or summarization of all the various demand schedules for all the millions of different goods and services produced in a country's national economy. Thus, Keynes reasoned, just as the microeconomic theorist can fruitfully analyze the relationship between the various quantities of a particular good or service that will be purchased by consumers at various prices on a single market by means of a demand schedule or demand curve, the macroeconomic theorist can make similarly good use of an aggregate demand schedule or aggregate demand curve as a means for analyzing the relationship between the various possible grand totals of all goods and services purchased in the national economy (as measured by their total monetary value in the form of a national product estimate like GNP or GDP) and the general price level (as measured by some sort of comprehensive price index rather like those whose yearly rates of change are commonly used to measure inflation). Once he had the brainstorm that one could sum up all the demand schedules for individual goods into a single grand total “aggregate demand schedule,” it was not much of a mental leap for Keynes to conclude that it might be useful first to divide up aggregate demand into a small number of “subtotal” aggregate demand schedules whose interrelationships might help explain such large-scale macroeconomic phenomena as the business cycle, inflation, economic growth and the like. Thus Keynes invented most of the basic ideas of what is today the macroeconomists' conventional system of national income accounting when he formulated his famous aggregate demand identity
Y = C + I + G + (X - M)
which simply means that a single country's aggregate demand for national product (Y) is always equal to the total demands of its households for Consumer goods and services (C), plus the total demands of its firms for Investment goods (I), plus the total demands of its various Government agencies for goods and services (G), plus the net demands of foreign consumers, firms and governments for the country's goods and services (exports minus imports).
See also:* aggregate supply,* macroeconomics,* Gross National Product (GNP),* fiscal policy,* investment
Aggregate supply
Another of the concepts introduced by John Maynard Keynes that still today are used in macroeconomic theories about the determination of the overall level of employment and national income. Like his concept of aggregate demand, the basic notion of aggregate supply was created by analogy to a microeconomic concept originally applying only to an analysis of the market for a single product — in this case, the concept of a supply schedule. Thus, Keynes reasoned, just as the microeconomic theorist can fruitfully analyze the relationship between the various quantities of a particular good or service that will be produced and offered for sale by firms at various prices on a single market by means of a supply schedule or supply curve, the macroeconomic theorist can make similarly good use of an aggregate supply schedule or aggregate supply curve to depict the relationship between the various possible grand totals of all goods and services produced and offered for sale in the national economy (as measured by their total monetary value in the form of a national product estimate like GNP or GDP) and the general price level (as measured by some sort of comprehensive price index rather like those whose yearly rates of change are commonly used to measure inflation).
See also:* aggregate demand,* macroeconomics,* Gross National Product (GNP),* fiscal policy
Banking
In the broadest sense of the term, “banking” is the business of accepting temporary responsibility for safeguarding other people's money (“deposits”) and then lending out these funds (along with the bankers' own funds) in order to earn interest for the bank's own account. Banking firms thus earn their profits primarily by serving as “financial intermediaries” who mobilize the scattered savings of many households and firms (by offering safekeeping services and paying interest on at least some kinds of accounts) and then make these pooled funds available to suitable borrowers (to business firms that want to finance proposed investment projects or perhaps to consumers who want to finance big ticket durable consumers' goods like automobiles or perhaps to governmental entities whose policy-makers have decided to spend more money than they have received in revenue collections). The bank pledges its own capital (and also buys outside deposit insurance) to guarantee that any depositor can get all his/her money back in cash no later than some contractually specified length of time after giving notice of withdrawal. The bank makes this somewhat risky guarantee even though it is quite predictable that some (hopefully small) percentage of the loans the bankers make using depositers' funds will “turn sour” and not be repaid by the borrower. The bank's profits arise mainly from the (positive) spread between its costs of securing and servicing deposits and its revenues from fees and interest on the loans extended. (Of course banks frequently seek to make additional profits selling other financial services to their clients and customers as well, but the business of accepting deposits and making loans is the defining core of the banking business.)
Not all firms engaging in “banking” in this broad sense are officially called “banks.” Savings and loan associations, credit unions and other miscellaneous thrift institutions provide similar services under other names. The laws of the United States and most other developed industrial countries provide for multiple types of financial intermediary institutions whose official “labels” normally depend upon the selected purposes for which they will loan money (business loans, consumer loans, real estate mortgages, etc.), the maximum time period for which they will contract a loan (2 years? 5 years? 30 years?), and the kinds of supplementary services (checking privileges, foreign exchange, management of trusts and estates, etc.) that they may provide for their customers beyond basic taking of deposits and extension of loans.
From the perspective of this course, banks are mainly of interest because of their key role in determining the size of the money stock. Considerably less than half of the US money stock (M1) consists of physical cash or currency (coins and bills). Most of the money stock in the US (or any other present-day advanced industrial economy) is in the form of “mere” ledger entries representing bank depositers' credit balances in their individual or corporate checking accounts. And, amazingly enough to the uninitiated, this means that banks are constantly creating money “out of thin air” simply by making bookkeeping entries that assign new checking account credits to customers as they take out loans from the bank.
Of course, private banks cannot simply create money out of thin air without limit and still expect to stay in business. When the bank credits a borrower's account with the amount of his new loan, it is to be expected that the borrower will very soon want to spend part or all of the money he has borrowed. After the check the borrower writes is deposited in somebody else's account in another bank, the check will soon be presented for collection at the lending bank, and they will have to have the cash on hand to pay the other bank off at that time. The more dollars' worth of loans a bank has extended, the more cash it will have to have on hand in reserves to meet the daily flow of redemptions. Most or all of the check redemption demands coming in every day can normally be offset by the cash and checks drawn on other banks that the depositers and borrowers have brought in and deposited or paid that day, but an “unsound” bank that extends loans with reckless abandon sooner or later will find that the flow of checks presented to it for collection greatly exceeds the flow of outside checks and cash being brought in. Once the bank's vaults are empty and the cash reserves are gone, the management must quickly (overnight!) either borrow the necessary additional cash elsewhere (probably at high interest rates) or else sell off some of the bank's assets (because of the haste, probably at fire-sale prices). When the troubled bank can no longer borrow and has no assets left that can be sold on short notice, it can no longer fulfill its ontractual guarantees to pay its obligations on demand and is therefore out of business with the banks owners and managers now subject to civil (and perhaps criminal) legal penalties (bankrupcy, suits for breach of contract, negligence, and fraud, indictments for fraud, embezzlement, etc.).
“Sound” banks limit the volume of the loans they extend so that they remain in a prudent proportional relationship to the amount of instantly liquid funds they have available in “reserves” (either as currency in the vault or as demand deposits in some other bank, such as the Federal Reserve). But bankers face a difficult trade-off. The flow of checks that will be presented for payment and the volume of new deposits and loan repayments coming in every day cannot be predicted with 100% accuracy, so the higher the fraction of its total deposit obligations the bank holds ready in reserves, the safer or “sounder” the bank can be considered (and the more attractive the bank will seem to depositers and other potential business associates). However, reserves do not yield any interest income to the bank; only the funds that are tied up in loans to (solvent) borrowers can contribute directly and immediately to the bank's profitability. To maximize their profits, bank management must find the best way to strike a balance between the need to maintain their “reserve ratio” at a level high enough to limit their risks of becoming insolvent and the conflicting need to keep the highest feasible proportion of the bank's available funds loaned out at interest.
See also: * money stock,* monetary policy,* reserve requirement,* Federal Reserve System
Budget
A statement of a government's planned or expected financial position for a specified period of time (usually one year) based on estimates of the expenditures to be made by the government's main subdivisions (wages and salaries of government employees; consultants' fees; purchases of equipment, supplies, real estate, etc.; money transferred to beneficiaries of various programs, and so on) during the specified period, along with estimates of the revenues to be realized from the various sources of income that will be available for paying for these expenditures. The budget of a government may be seen as a comprehensive plan of what the government will spend for its various programs during the next fiscal year and how it expects to raise the money to pay for them (tax receipts, charges for services, sale of assets, borrowing, new emissions of currency, etc.) Somewhat confusingly, the same term is used to denote both the advance estimate or plan of what the government will be taking in and spending and also the actual amounts that finally end up being taken in and spent — even though the planned and actual numbers never really match perfectly when the returns come in!
See also: * budget deficit,* budget surplus,* fiscal policy
Budget deficit
The amount by which total government spending is more than government income during a specified period; the amount of money which the government has to raise by borrowing or currency emission in order to make up for the shortfall in tax revenues.
See also:* budget,* budget surplus,* national debt,* fiscal policy
Budget surplus
The amount by which government revenues are more than government spending during a specified period.
See also:* budget,* budget deficit,* national debt,* tax,* fiscal policy
Business cycle
More or less regular swings or wave-like fluctuations in the pace of a country's economic growth, well above and well below the long-term trend in the growth rate of total production; the ups and downs of overall business activity, as evidenced by surges and declines in GNP and GDP, unemployment rates, and the general price level; the boom-and-bust pattern of recession (or depression) and recovery. In older economic literature (and still today in British usage) the term “trade cycle” is often used as a synonym for “business cycle.”
What causes business cycles has been one of the hottest and longest running theoretical debates in political economy. There is a fair amount of agreement on what at least some of the factors are that are associated with the alternation of economic booms and busts, but different schools of thought differ considerably in the relative weight and the causal priority they assign to these various factors. Some schools of thought emphasize uneven government economic policies as the principal cause of business cycles, while others see government economic policies as the key influences working to even out business cycles allegedly brought on by inherent features of the market economy.
Nearly all of these competing theories key in on one or more of the factors believed to influence the expansion and contraction of total saving by the public and of new capital investment undertaken by business firms as the most immediate causes of booms and busts in the larger economy.
John Maynard Keynes's explanation of the business cycle emphasized periodic shifts in the public's allocation of their incomes between current spending for immediate consumption and savings for future consumption — which leads to shifts in the overall level of demand for consumers' goods, which in turn encourages producers of consumers' goods disproportionately to expand or contract their own purchases of producers's goods like raw materials and machinery (and labor) more or less all at once in response to improvements or declines in their current sales. Keynes believed that the public typically tends to save too much and consume too little, thereby throttling aggregate (total) demand, unless the government steps in from time to time through its fiscal policies to artificially increase aggregate demand by spending more on goods and services than it takes away from consumers' purchasing power in taxes (“running a budget deficit”).
Other non-Keynesian theorists of the business cycle have focussed on other (often psychological) factors besides the growth or decline of their current sales that influence businessmen's optimism or pessimism about future economic conditions (and hence their investment plans). Still other theorists emphasize the role of occasional “supply shocks” — sudden and unexpected changes in the supply of key resources resulting from weather cycles, natural disasters, international conflicts, big regulatory or tax changes by government, etc. (For example, the formation of the OPEC oil producers' cartel and their two massive waves of concerted production cuts/price increases in the 1970s.) Joseph Schumpeter's theory of “creative destruction” stresses the role of waves of massive innovation (major technological breakthroughs, introduction of major new products that create whole new industries) in precipitating major adjustments and reallocation of resources as old industries die and are replaced by new ones. “Monetarist” theories of the business cycle analyze the impact of shifts in decisions of the government monetary authorities (such as the Board of Governors of the U.S. Federal Reserve Banking System) to expand or contract the money supply in their efforts to manipulate short-term interest rates and foreign exchange rates (often for selfish political reasons). “Supply-side” theorists of the business cycle tend to emphasize the impact of periodic changes in government tax policies (especially changes in the marginal rates of taxation on various forms of investment expenditures and business income) as the major precipitant of booms and busts.
See also: * depression,* inflation,* political business cycle
Capital
The existing stock of goods which are to be used in the production of other goods or services and which have themselves been produced by previous human activities. Capital is conventionally subdivided into "fixed capital" and "circulating capital," although the distinction is mainly a matter of degree of durability rather than a clear-cut difference in kind. Fixed capital refers to durable producers' goods such as buildings, plant and machinery, while circulating capital refers to stockpiles of materials, semi-finished goods, and components that are normally used up very rapidly in production. Notice that "capital" in the strictest economic sense refers only to real, physical means of production already in being, not to the sums of money put aside through savings to purchase real capital with in the future (although the total amount of capital in a particular firm may for convenience be described or summarized in monetary terms by the potential resale values of all the separate items of capital added together in one grand sum).
See also: investment, human capital
Capitalism
A form of economic order characterized by private ownership of the means of production and the freedom of private owners to use, buy and sell their property or services on the market at voluntarily agreed prices and terms, with only minimal interference with such transactions by the state or other authoritative third parties.
See also: market, market economy, communism
Checks and balances
A fundamental principle undergirding the design of American government is that of the separation of powers, which prescribes the parcelling out of the various powers and functions of government to separate and relatively independent levels and branches of the federal system in order to prevent their all being controlled at the same time by any potentially tyrannical political faction. But, to the way of thinking of the Framers of the Constitution, the long-term survival of free popular government would require more than simply a purely formalistic separation of governmental functions and powers into completely independent organizational jurisdictions. Ambitious and unscrupulous office holders in one or another of the various branches and levels of government could be expected to encroach upon the powers and authority of the other branches and levels from time to time, and this would gradually bring about a tyrranical concentration of powers unless the leaders in the other parts of the government could be given the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist the encroachments of the others. "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man [the officeholder] must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place."
From this the Framers concluded there was a need for the Constitution to include a built-in set of "checks and balances" -- the necessary legal weaponry for each branch to defend itself against encroachments on its independence and authority by the others. In most cases, this contervailing power is purely negative, usually taking the form of some special constitutional grant of authority for one branch to say "no" to at least some of the specific decisions of the other branches in their own fields of specialization and then make it stick. (Some examples: The two houses of Congress may finally agree on a compromise to pass or repeal a law, but the President can veto it. President and Congress can agree on passing a law, but if the federal judiciary declares it to be unconstitutional the courts will refuse to treat the law as valid or enforceable. The courts can issue orders and injunctions for particular individuals to act or refrain from acting in particular ways, including public officials, but the power of the law enforcement agencies in the executive branch is needed to enforce them if the individuals in question decide to disobey. The Congress cannot control the way a judge will rule in a particular case before him, but Congress has the power to define and redefine the jurisdiction of the various federal courts. The President has general supervision of the conduct of foreign policy and military policy, but his treaties must be ratified by the Senate before they enter into force, and only Congress can appropriate public money to pay for such things as the raising of an army or the dispensing of foreign aid.) Under the system of checks and balances, each branch has primary authority to decide on certain kinds of issues, yet each branch often requires at least minimal voluntary cooperation from the other branches if its decisions and initiatives are to be successfully implemented. Since officeholders are assumed to be ambitious and jealous of their authority, policy cooperation and coordination across the various branches and levels of government can only be the product of hard bargaining and mutually acceptable delineation of authority -- therefore hopefully sustaining the constitutional separation of powers through maintaining a practical balance of power among rival powerholders. And since by virtue of the differing compositions of their constituencies the leading officeholders tend to be responsive to somewhat differing interest groups within society, the need for negotiated compromises among the various branches and levels of government in order to implement policy may also translate into a policy-making process that takes seriously into account the interests of many minorities along with those of majorities.
Criticisms of the separation of powers and checks and balances concepts point out that such arrangements make policy making more cumbersome and time consuming than it needs to be and that in fact it can result easily in a deadlock in which government is unable to take any action at all. Moreover, it is also said to be undemocratic, in that it places barriers to the absolute power of the majority to determine public policy by imposing on majorities the need to bargain with (and make concessions to) minorities that have managed to gain disproportionate influence on one or another branch or level of the federal system of multiple governmental institutions. For these reasons, political thinkers who see government as the primary instrumentality for the community to successfully combat or adjust to an on-going series of emergencies that have no other possible remedy tend to be very suspicious of such decentralized power arrangements. On the other hand, political thinkers that see society and the economy as largely self-regulating organisms that need relatively little in the way of new policy initiatives from government for their successful functioning tend to take a more favorable view of checks and balances.
See also: separation of powers, veto, judicial review, appropriation bill, authorization bill, interest group, pluralist theory
Cost
In the widest sense, the measure of the value of what has to be given up in order to achieve a particular objective. In everyday language, people most often use the term rather like an accountant does, as synonymous with the total money outlays actually paid out to achieve the objective, but this is not precisely what economists mean by the term. Economists are concerned with rational decision-making, and the rational decision-maker needs to estimate in advance the full range of consequences of each of the various alternative uses of his time and resources open to him, not just the portion of the costs accounted for by money outlays. For the economist, the true cost of any decision is the value of the next best outcome (of all the other possible outcomes) that is given up because of that decision. Unless otherwise specified, when economists say "cost," they mean opportunity cost -- that is, the highest valued alternative that must be sacrificed to attain something or otherwise satisfy a want. For example, the opportunity cost of a spur-of-the-moment decision to go to the movies Tuesday afternoon instead of going in to work is not just the six dollars for the ticket plus the gasoline and wear and tear on the car to get there. It also includes (at least) the four hours' wages not earned, diminished prospects for being promoted at work, and possibly such additional consequences as future hostility from co-workers who had to take up the slack, unpleasant feelings of guilt or shame, and so on. In a more extreme vein, the opportunity cost of committing suicide is not simply the money outlay for the necessary equipment, but rather the value of the total range of future satisfactions one might otherwise be able to achieve.
See also: transaction costs
Communism
1. Any ideology based on the communal ownership of all property and a classless social structure, with economic production and distribution to be directed and regulated by means of an authoritative economic plan that supposedly embodies the interests of the community as a whole. Karl Marx is today the most famous early theoretician of communism, but he did not invent the term or the basic social ideals, which he mostly borrowed and adapted from the less systematic theories of earlier French utopian socialists -- grafting these onto a philosophical framework Marx derived from the German philosophers Hegel and Feuerbach, while adding in a number of economic theories derived from his reinterpretation of the writings of such early political economists such as Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. In most versions of the communist utopia, everyone would be expected to co-operate enthusiastically in the process of production, but the individual citizen's equal rights of access to consumer goods would be completely unaffected by his/her own individual contribution to production -- hence Karl Marx's famous slogan "From each according to his ability; to each according to his need." The Marxian and other 19th century communist utopias also were expected to dispense with such "relics of the past" as trading, money, prices, wages, profits, interest, land-rent, calculations of profit and loss, contracts, banking, insurance, lawsuits, etc. It was expected that such a radical reordering of the economic sphere of life would also more or less rapidly lead to the elimination of all other major social problems such as class conflict, political oppression, racial discrimination, the inequality of the sexes, religious bigotry, and cultural backwardness -- as well as put an end to such more "psychological" forms of suffering as alienation, anomie, and feelings of powerlessness.
2. The specifically Marxist-Leninist variant of socialism which emphasizes that a truly communist society can be achieved only through the violent overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a "dictatorship of the proletariat" that is to prepare the way for the future idealized society of communism under the authoritarian guidance of a hierarchical and disciplined Communist Party.
3. A world-wide revolutionary political movement inspired by the October Revolution (Red Oktober) in Russia in 1917 and advocating the establishment everywhere of political, economic, and social institutions and policies modeled on those of the Soviet Union (or, in some later versions, China or Albania) as a means for eventually attaining a communist society.
See also: capitalism, socialism, ideology, egalitarianism
Discount rate
The interest rate that banks pay on loans made to them from the Federal Reserve. Banks whose reserves dip below the reserve requirement set by the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors must take immediate action to make good their shortfall. The Federal Reserve is normally willing to make a short-term loan of reserves to a bank in this situation to give the bank a brief period of time to make adjustments in its loan and investment portfolio that will permit it to raise its reserves or lower its loans outstanding. (The bank might stop making new loans for a few days while the normal repayment flow on old loans proceeds to top up their cash position. If the situation is truly critical, the bank might even begin calling in some of its loans that it would normally have been willing to renew.) Bankers normally do not like to borrow money from the Fed in this manner, partly because the interest they must pay to the Fed for such a loan (the discount rate) is normally higher than other short-term borrowing rates, but mostly because this may trigger closer regulatory scrutiny by the Fed. If possible, they prefer to borrow reserves from other banks that have excess reserves at the Fed. The Fed uses changes in the discount rate as another tool of monetary policy. Raising the discount rate makes it more expensive to borrow from the Fed, and bankers tend to build up their reserve position further above the minimum percentage legally required, just to be extra sure they will not be put to this unnecessary trouble in case their projection of the flow of loan repayments by their customers turns out to be a little on the high side. The more conservative reserve position diminishes the volume of the loans they would otherwise be making, and so an increase in the discount rate tends to cause a decrease in the money stock and thus higher short-term interest rates.
In contrast, lowering the discount rate is expansionary. As the cost of borrowing from the Fed to meet a temporary emergency falls, bankers tend to reduce their excess reserves to a minimum, extending more loans and thus increasing the money stock and tending to lower interest rates in the short term.
See also: Federal Reserve System, interest rate(s), monetary policy, money stock, reserve requirement
Economics
The branch of the social sciences concerned primarily with analyzing and explaining human behavior in making decisions about the allocation of scarce resources. Economists study the complex ways in which the following are determined within a society:
1. What goods and services are to be produced (and in what amounts)?
2. By what means are these goods and services to be produced (using what combinations of the various substitutable factors of production)?
3. How are the goods and services that are produced to be distributed among the individual members and groups in the society's population?
See also: allocation
Factors of production
The scarce resources that are useful not so much for direct and immediate satisfaction of human wants as for producing other goods or services. Economists often find it useful for purposes of theoretical simplification to group the millions of different sorts of factors of production into several very broad categories and then discuss them as though all the items within each category were perfectly substitutable for each other and therefore traded on a single market. The simplest such conventional categorization of the factors of production divides them into land, labor, capital, and sometimes also entrepreneurship and/or human capital.
See also: derived demand
Federal Reserve System
The central bank for the United States banking system and the institution that holds the primary responsibility for the making and execution of American monetary policies. Its bank notes circulate today as the United States' everyday paper currency. (Metal coins, however, are issued by the United States Treasury Department, not by the Federal Reserve.)
The Federal Reserve System represents an almost unique hybrid or blending of elements of governmental power with elements of private ownership and control. Because the authors of the 1913 legislation that set up the Federal Reserve System felt that it was vital to insulate monetary policy from "undue" pressure and influence by partisan politicians obsessed with their own short-range re-election prospects, the Federal Reserve was set up along the lines of an independent regulatory commission -- not as just one more agency of the Executive Branch that would be under the direction of the President and supervised closely by Congress. The private banking community was also given a major role in the running of the Federal Reserve System that continues to give banking interests privileged access to the process by which the US government's monetary policy is made.
The Federal Reserve System's highest decision-making body is its Board of Governors, which consists of seven members. Members of the Fed's Board of Governors are nominated for their positions by the President of the United States and then must be confirmed by a majority vote of the Senate before taking office. The members of the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors serve very long terms (fourteen years), and, once appointed and confirmed, they may not be removed from office by either President or Congress (except through a cumbersome process of impeachment by Congress for serious violations of the criminal law). People selected for appointment to the Board of Governors have nearly always been professional bankers, executives of Wall Street brokerage houses, or, occasionally, professional economists. They tend to share many of the relatively conservative political and economic views of the business and professional groups from which they are drawn. Because the President can not fire them from their positions before their fourteen-year terms expire, members of the Board of Governors normally feel relatively free to ignore or oppose the President's preferences when they make U.S. monetary policies. Moreover, even though some members of the Board of Governors perhaps feel an ideological kinship or sense of political loyalty that might predispose them to support the policy views of the President who appointed them, the terms of the Governors are staggered, so that only one Governor's term expires every two years, making it unlikely that any President would be able to dominate the Board with a majority of his own appointees until near the end of his own second four- year term in office. (However, every four years, the President does at least get the opportunity to designate which one of the seven Governors will serve for the next four years as Chairman of the Board of Governors and exercize "moral leadership" as first among equals in the Governors' collective deliberations on monetary policy.)
Congressional influence on the Federal Reserve System's monetary policy decisions is also in practice rather limited. The Federal Reserve generates its own revenues to pay its expenses from fees paid to it by the commercial banks it regulates and from interest payments on the federal bonds, notes and bills that it holds as assets, so Congress lacks the normal leverage it has over other agencies through carrots and sticks brandished during the annual appropriations process. Of course, Congress, which created the Federal Reserve System by statute in 1913, has the constitutional power to alter or abolish the Federal Reserve system by a simple majority vote in both houses, subject to the possibility of a presidential veto, and the threat that Congress might actually do so if the Fed's policies contradict Congresssional preferences too seriously for too long undoubtedly induces a certain amount of responsiveness to Congressional jaw-boning by the Fed's policy-makers.
The Federal Reserve System presided over by the Board of Governors consists organizationally of 12 separate Federal Reserve District Banks -- each one located in and serving one of twelve geographical regions of the country. The district Federal Reserve banks are organized rather like private banking corporations whose shareholders consist of the private member banks in the district. But despite their semi-private character, the district Federal Reserve banks exercise Congressionally delegated legal powers to regulate the banking industry. Each district Federal Reserve Bank is managed from day to day by its own president, who is elected to a 5-year term by his district Federal Reserve Bank's own individual board of directors. Two-thirds of the members of the district boards of directors are elected to their positions by the privately owned commercial banks in the district that are member banks of the Federal Reserve system. (Member banks are divided on the basis of their assets into "small", "medium", and "large" banks, with each category of banks allowed to elect two directors on a "one bank, one vote" basis.) The other one- third of the directors in each district are appointed from Washington by the Fed's Board of Governors, rather as though the Board of Governers were a major creditor or minority stockholder with guaranteed representation on the district boards.
The district Federal Reserve Banks act as non-profit "bankers' banks" -- that is, only commercial banking or depository institutions (and certain agencies of the federal government) maintain deposits at the Federal Reserve, and only member banking institutions and the US government are eligible to receive loans from it, not private citizens nor other kinds of non-bank commercial enterprises. All banks chartered as "national banks" by Federal law must be "member banks," that as such are obligated to maintain most of their reserves as deposits in their accounts at the Federal Reserve and to submit to detailed Federal Reserve banking regulations. Many state-chartered banks and thrift institutions nowadays also choose to be members of the Federal Reserve System and submit to its regulations in order to enjoy the valuable services which the Fed provides to them.
The district Federal Reserve Banks operate clearing houses for checks and bank drafts, issue new paper currency ("Federal Reserve notes") for sale to member banks on demand, withdraw worn-out currency from circulation, sit in judgment on the applications of banks that wish permission to merge with each other, extend "discount loans" to member banks (with the member banks putting up their own borrowers IOUs as collateral), and perform various miscellaneous regulatory functions pertaining to the banks in their districts. When the Federal Reserve System was originally created back in 1913, it was expected that the district Federal Reserve Banks would each pursue slightly different monetary policies, depending upon the economic conditions in their individual districts, so they were given the authority to collect a wide variety of information and statistical data on changes in regional business conditions to use in their decision-making. The high degree of integration of the national economy has for many years made it impractical for the district Federal Reserve Banks to maintain different levels of interest rates or pursue differing policies regarding the growth or contraction of the money stock (these policy decisions are made centrally for the entire country by the Fed's Board of Governors in consultation with the district bank presidents), but the 12 district banks are still a major source of detailed economic data used by government policy-makers at both the national, state and local levels as well as by private economic forecasters and business executives.
The primary reason why the banking industry generally supported the creation of the Federal Reserve System and continues to support it today despite the inconveniences imposed by the Fed's regulations, is the valuable privilege that memberhip brings to the bankers to count on the Fed for large emergency loans of cash if they someday need it to survive a "run" on their bank. In a bank "run," large numbers of depositors frightened by rumors that their bank is about to fail suddenly begin crowding into the bank, demanding to withdraw all their deposits in cash. This exhausts the very limited cash reserves normally kept on hand in the bank's own vaults within a few hours. Since the large majority of the depositers' dollars on deposit are always out on loan to the bank's credit customers, and since it takes days or weeks to call in any sizable fraction of the loans outstanding, the bank would have to "go bankrupt" and be liquidated by the courts unless it can raise enough cash somewhere on short notice to pay off the panicky depositers demanding their money. This is where the Fed steps in as rescuing angel with armored cars full of cash pulling up to the beleagered bank within a few hours.
Bank runs are much more rare nowadays than they used to be, mainly because most depositers today feel much less reason to panic when they believe that they can get their money "for sure" -- either by virtue of the Fed's stepping in with loans in the case of a short-term "liquidity crunch" if the bank in question is relatively sound or (with more delay) by virtue of the insurance provided by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation if the bank really does turn out to be irretrievably in the red financially. And because runs are now both less likely to happen and less dangerous to the bank even if they do, bankers can earn higher profits by maintaining lower reserves than would otherwise be necessary and thus being able to lend out a higher percentage of their deposits at interest.
Because many bankers with the "king's X" of Federal Reserve and FDIC backing if they should get into difficulties might otherwise pursue excessively reckless lending policies to increase their profits, the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors was given the power to set minimum reserve requirements for the member banks, to make regulations limiting the riskiness of banks' loan portfolios, and to send "bank examiners" out periodically to audit the books of member banks in order both to assure their compliance with regulations and to safeguard depositors' accounts against fraud or embezzlement by bank managers and employees.
The Fed's role as maker and executer of macroeconomically significant monetary policies for the United States government centers around three major policy tools at the Fed's disposal:
1. Manipulating the legally required reserve ratios ("reserve requirements") for banks (and, less directly, for some other depository institutions, such as savings and loans and credit unions)
2. Buying or selling U.S. government debt instruments (Treasury bonds, notes and bills) on the private financial markets in New York ("open market operations")
3.Setting the interest rate at which the Fed stands ready to make short-term loans to member banks and other depository institutions that would othertwise fall below the required reserve ratios (the Fed's "discount rate").
Using its discretionary power to manipulate these policy tools, the Fed is able to exercise substantial influence (but not complete control) over changes in the size of the money stock and thus over interest rates, thereby influencing overall levels of business activity and employment in the national economy (as well as indirectly influencing the rates at which the dollar is exchanged for foreign currencies and thus the flow of international trade and investment across U.S. borders).
The Fed's Board of Governors sets policies regarding reserve requirements and the discount rate all by itself, but changes in these two policy levers tend to be relatively infrequent (perhaps once or twice a year on average for the discount rate, and perhaps once every five to ten years on average for the reserve requirement). The Fed's main policy tool of choice for exerting its influence on the money stock and interest rates on a week-to-week basis is its "open market operations." The necessary policy decisions about the Fed's on-going open market operations (buying or selling varying quantities of U.S. bonds and other treasury securities on the New York financial markets) are made for the Fed's Board of Governors by a slightly expanded body called the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). The FOMC consists of all seven members of the Board of Governors plus five of the 12 banker-elected presidents of the Federal Reserve district banks. (The president of the New York district bank is a permanent member of the FOMC, while the other 11 district bank presidents serve one-year terms on a rotating basis, with only four of them having the right to vote at any given time.) The FOMC meets rather frequently in Washington, DC, but it has also been the practice in recent years for the FOMC membership to convene informally via long-distance telephone conference calls or one-on-one communications with the Fed's Chairman on almost a daily basis.
See also: banking, monetary policy, money stock, discount rate, open market operations, reserve requirement
Fiscal policy
That part of government policy which is concerned with raising revenue through taxation and with deciding on the amounts and purposes of government spending. Keynesian economic theorists believe that government can, and should, regulate the overall pace of activity in the national economy through fiscal policy, principally by deliberately having government borrow to spend more than it takes in (running a budget deficit) to increase total demand for goods and services in times of high unemployment and economic slowdown (the deficit being created either by cutting taxes or by increasing spending or both). Similarly, Keynesian theorists would advocate having government spend less than it takes in (running a budget surplus) to cool down the national economy when too great an expansion of total demand has pushed production to its physical limits and threatens to bring on excessive inflation.
[See also: budget, budget deficit, budget surplus, business cycle, unemployment, investment, depression (or recession), tax, taxation]
Free trade
A legal arrangement or national policy under which the exchange of goods and services across international borders is neither restricted nor subsidized by techniques of government intervention such as import tariffs, import quotas, export subsidies, discriminatory regulations disadvantaging foreign buyers or foreign sellers, trade embargoes, political manipulation of foreign currency exchange rates, and the like. From their first origins in the writings of Adam Smith up to the present, the classical and neoclassical schools of economic theory have emphasized the advantages of free trade policies and the disadvantages of protectionism for the improvement of popular living standards and the promotion of overall rates of economic growth.
Although the theoretical arguments can and do become extremely detailed and complex, the basic conclusion of classical and contemporary neoclassical economic theory is that the advantages of free international trade represent basically only a special case of the advantages of the free market system in general. Although moving toward free trade may represent very real financial losses for the small minority of companies with the political influence to get themselves protected from foreign competition, these losses are normally much more than counterbalanced by the gains to the great majority of the population. Free trade leaves the country's consumers free to seek out the best bargains they can find by not arbitrarily restricting their ability to choose foreign suppliers when they offer a better deal than their domestic competitors in terms of price and/or quality. This enhances competition and breaks down local monopolies. Free trade also enhances the profitability of many other local industries by enabling them to shop around for better deals in purchasing their supplies of raw materials and other capital goods and thus helping them to reduce their costs of production. In the most general terms, free trade makes possible a progressive extension of the area within which specialization and the division of labor takes place according to the principle of comparative advantage, producing gains from trade in overall productivity and economic efficiency that result in higher average living standards both at home and abroad.
Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
An estimate of the total money value of all the final goods and services produced in a given one-year period using the factors of production located within a particular country's borders.
See also: Gross National Product (GNP)
Human capital
A loose catch-all term for the practical knowledge, acquired skills and learned abilities of an individual that make him or her potentially productive and thus equip him or her to earn income in exchange for labor. The figurative use of the term capital in connection with what would perhaps better be called the "quality of labor" is somewhat confusing. In the strictest sense of the term, human capital is not really capital at all. The term was coined so as to make a useful illustrative analogy between investing resources to increase the stock of ordinary physical capital (tools, machines, buildings, etc.) in order to increase the productivity of labor and "investing" in the education or training of the labor force as an alternative means of accomplishing the same general objective of higher productivity. In both sorts of "investment," costs are incurred by investors in the present in the expectation of deriving extra benefits over a long period of time in the future. As in the case of ordinary investments in physical capital, investments in human capital make economic sense to the extent that the value of the additional future benefits to be expected (greater productivity and thus more income for the worker and his employer) exceed the extra costs that have to be incurred in the present to obtain them (costs of schooling or training programs, production and income foregone while the individual is in training, the loss of leisure and perhaps the experience of mental anguish undergone by the individual in having to learn new things, etc.). Varying levels of past investment in human capital provides one of the main explanation for the size of wage and salary differentials among individuals: payment for an individual's labor in reality includes not just payment for the employee's leisure time foregone but also a premium that represents the going rate of return on his past investment in human capital.
The analogy between human capital and real capital breaks down in one important respect, however. Property rights over ordinary inanimate capital are normally readily transferable by sale from one owner to another, and consequently markets for capital goods can function easily and smoothly to reallocate such resources from one project to another with minimal complications and transactions costs. The value of resources that have been invested in physical capital by an investor can often be readily recovered later (at least in good part) through resale, with the proceeds being easily redeployed into purchases for consumption or reinvestment in other types of capital goods as the investor may choose. However, human capital is by definition inseparably embedded in the nervous system of a specific individual and it thus cannot be separately owned apart from the individual's living body itself. Except in societies that legalize slavery (or at least enforce very long term transferable indentured labor contracts), human capital itself cannot be directly bought and sold on the market -- only its temporary services as reflected in the labor productivity of the one individual who alone can own it. If an employee chooses to quit his or her job (perhaps because of an offer of much higher pay by a competing firm in the same industry), then any past investment the employer may have made to upgrade the employee's job skills is lost to the firm from the minute the former employee walks out the door for the last time. The only person who can invest in human capital with full confidence that he will not be arbitrarily deprived of its fruits in the future without compensation is the individual in whom the investment is made, so other firms or individuals therefore have much less incentive to invest resources in him or her in this way, even if this might be the cheapest way to increase productivity. Even the individual in whom the human capital is to be embedded may be somewhat deterred from investing by the fact that such an investment is necessarily very illiquid -- that he cannot later recoup any part of the value of his own investment in human capital by selling it off if he should desire to go into some other line of endeavor where the skills involved are not useful.
See also: factors of production, labor, capital
Inflation
In contemporary usage, a sustained rise over time in the general level of prices, normally measured by a weighted index of prices of a large and representative sample of goods and services (both consumers' goods and producers' goods) regularly traded in the economy under consideration. (In 19th century usage, the term referred more specifically to any sustained expansion in the stock of money available within the economy under consideration -- the eventual consequence of which would normally be a generalized increase in prices.)
When the quantity of money available in the economy begins to exceed the amount that firms and households (in the aggregate) feel they wish to keep on hand to finance their expected volume of trading in the foreseeable future, people tend to increase their rate of spending all at once, shifting the demand curves for nearly all goods and services to the right at the same time and thus driving up the general price level -- which is just another way of saying that each unit of money begins to be worth less than before in its purchasing power. Such an acceleration of spending may happen for any of a number of reasons:
1.The money stock itself is rapidly expanding
2.The available stocks of many goods have suddenly shrunk dramatically due to natural disaster, wartime destruction, or political interruption of established international trading relationships through embargoes or blockades
3.The average amounts of money people want to keep on hand is shrinking due to rising guesstimates of what future inflation rates might be
4.Increasing availability of new close money-substitutes like credit cards, or
5. because households' willingness or ability to save is for some reason sharply decreasing.
History strongly suggests, however, that sustained inflation at rates of more than four or five percent per year in "normal" times is nearly always due primarily to government or central bank policies of rapid monetary expansion rather than to anything else that may be going on in the private sector to influence the public's demand for cash balances.
If the money stock continues to increase a great deal faster than the public's total demand for cash holdings, the inflationary process begins to feed upon itself. Initial experience with accelerating inflation quickly convinces the public that the future purchasing power of their money holdings is going to be very much less than it is in the present -- leading people to reduce still further their desired amounts of money to hold and further accelerating the general rise in prices because of their desperate efforts to spend away their money as quickly as possible, before its value melts away. When such an inflationary panic once takes hold, the result is apt to be hyperinflation, in which prices may begin increasing by several hundred percent (or even several thousand percent) per month until the monetary system collapses altogether and people resort to primitive barter (or the use of more stable foreign currencies, if available) rather than accept the government's worthless money as payment for their goods or services.
See also: hyperinflation, money, money stock, monetary policy, Phillips' curve
Laissez-faire
Literally, French for "Let do." The classical liberal (and modern libertarian) doctrine that the economic affairs of society are best guided by the free and autonomous decisions of individuals in the marketplace, to the near exclusion of government interference in economic matters. That is, the doctrine that government should almost always leave people alone and let them do as they please, so long as they respect the personal and property rights of others.
See also: liberalism, libertarianism
Demand, law of
Other things being held constant, the lower the price of a good (or service), the greater the quantity of it that will be demanded by purchasers at any given time.
See also: demand curve, demand schedule, demand, law of supply
Supply, law of
Other things being held constant, the higher the price of a good (or service), the larger the quantity of that good (or service) that will be offered for sale in a particular time period.
See also:* supply,* supply curve,* law of diminishing returns,* marginal analysis,* marginal productivity
Monetary policy
That part of the government's economic policy which tries to control the size of the total stock of money (and other highly liquid financial assets that are close substitutes for money) available in the national economy in order to achieve policy objectives that are often partly contradictory: controlling the rate of increase in the general price level (inflation), speeding up or slowing the overall rate of economic growth (mainly by affecting the interest rates that constitute such a large share of suppliers' costs for new investment but partly by influencing consumer demand through the availability of consumer credit and mortgage money), managing the level of unemployment (stimulating or retarding total demand for goods and services by manipulating the amount of money in the hands of consumers and investors), or influencing the exchange rates at which the national currency trades for other foreign currencies (mainly by pushing domestic interest rates above or below foreign interest rates in order to attract or discourage foreign savings from entering or leaving domestic financial markets). Monetary policy is said to be "easy," "loose," or "expansionary" when the quantity of money in circulation is being rapidly increased and short-term interest rates are thus being pushed down. Monetary policy is said to be "tight" or "contractionary" when the quantity of money available is being reduced (or else allowed to grow only at a slower rate than in the recent past) and short-term interest rates are thus being pushed to higher levels.
The government's ability to control the size of the money stock and the levels of interest rates is only partial, not absolute. This is because monetary policy makers must rely mainly on influencing the privately-owned banking system's supply schedule for loaned funds. Monetary policy makers are much less able to affect the private sector's demand schedule for such funds, yet both supply and demand for money interact to determine the quantity of money created and its price, the interest rate. Even in trying to control the supply side of the loan market, it is easier for the Fed to force the banks to tighten credit and make fewer new loans (by raising the legal reserve requirements, for example) than it is to convince them to extend a larger volume of loans when bankers have become worried about their prospects for being repaid (or fear rapid inflation will cause their repayments to be worth less than the original value of the their loans). Government monetary policy-makers are generally much more successful in manipulating short-term interest rates (rates on loans for periods of less than a year) than they are in manipulating medium-term interest rates (1 to 5 years) and long-term interest rates (more than five years). This is because demand and supply for medium-term and long-term loans tend to be both much more elastic and much more affected by the public's expectations about future rates of inflation than the supply and demand for short-term loans are. A very expansionary monetary policy may well lower short-term interest rates by flooding the banks and financial markets with loanable funds and yet at the same time may actually raise longer-term interest rates by prompting fears among lenders that inflation will soon be accelerating. Unfortunately, medium and long-term interest rates have much more influence on the rate of growth of the economy and on levels of unemployment than short-term interest rates do, because major new investment spending like research and development for new products or the construction of whole new factories are long-term projects that require long-term financing, and they are much less likely to be undertaken if long-term interest costs are high than if they are low.
[See also: Federal Reserve System, money, money stock, inflation, interest rate, discount rate, reserve requirement, open market operations, elasticity, banking, unemployment]
Libertarianism
A contemporary 20th century political viewpoint or ideology derived largely from 19th century liberalism, holding that any legitimate government should be small and should play only the most minimal possible role in economic, social and cultural life, with social relationships to be regulated as much as possible by voluntary contracts and generally accepted custom and as little as possible by statute law. In other words, libertarians believe that the individual should be as free as is practically feasible from government restraint and regulation in both the economic and non-economic aspects of life. Thus, libertarians endorse stricter respect for private property rights, the establishment of a more laissez-faire laissez-faire capitalist economic system, rigorous separation of church and state, and greater respect for individual rights to freedom of expression and freedom of choice in personal lifestyles. They oppose government programs for the redistribution of income, the inculcation of "politically correct" values through government schools and propaganda outlets, all forms of government-imposed censorship, the imposition of criminal penalties for the commission of "victimless crimes," and in general all forms of social, economic or cultural "engineering" by the government.
See also: ideology civil rights/civil liberties, property rights liberalism, laissez-faire
Separation of powers
One of the most important of the basic principles that guided the framers of the US Constitution in their design for America's future governance was the idea that the root cause and essence of tyrranical government is the concentration of control over all the powers and functions of government in the hands of the same individual or narrow political faction. The corollary the Framers drew from this was the separation of powers principle: that free popular government can best be sustained by dividing the various powers and functions of government among separate and relatively independent governmental institutions whose officials would be selected at different intervals and through different procedures by somewhat different constituencies so as to make it unlikely that the same small faction could gain control of them all at the same time. Thus, in the American federal republic the Framers designed, "the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments [the Federal government and the governments of the several states], and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments [the executive, the legislative, and the judicial]." [Madison, The Federalist #51]
The idea that concentrated political power is a mortal danger to civil liberties and popular rights remains to this day one of the most persistent and characteristic features of American ideologies and popular thinking about politics. In comparison with other advanced industrial countries, the United States possesses one of the most complex governmental structures and perhaps the most broadly diffused distribution of governmental authority among independent agencies. Not only do American governmental arrangements still allocate power to separate executive, legislative and judicial branches at both the state and federal levels, but they also feature a great variety of forms of relatively autonomous and geographically overlapping governmental bodies at the local level -- including not only general purpose county and municipal governments but also a wide variety of functionally specialized mini-governments such as elected district school boards, flood control district boards, water resource planning boards, transit authority boards and the like.
See also:* autocracy,* civil liberties,* checks and balances,* ideology,* federation,* dictatorship,* popular sovereignty,* totalitarianism